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Karma Ura is a civil servant at the Ministry of Planning, and author of
a historical novel The Hero with a Thousand Eyes.
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About the Book The Ballad of Pemi Tshewang Tashi is a virile translation into English of one of the most popular Bhutanese Lozey. In this heroic tale, the chamberlain of the title recites how he has been ordered to lead a detachment to attack a foe of his master, although his own heart is not in the quarrel. He sets off with a premonition of disaster, but puts loyalty to his lord above personal presentiments. He reflects with wastefulness and passion on the landscape ad persons he is leaving behind. After the battle, he is cornered and trapped by forces of his adversary at the formidable cliff at Thomangdrak near Tongsa. As well as dwelling on notable features of the landscape of western and central Bhutan, the ballad reminds the reader of the romance and hardship of travel in the past and also of the nature of virtues such as courage and obedience. Technically, the translator has demonstrated a masterful control of the metre and rhythm of this orally-transmitted tale. In his lucid introduction, he observes how the popularity of this particular lozey has fortunately ensured its survival over a hundred years. WHY MUST I GO TO WAR ? Towards the rising sun, among the eastern17 villages, The crests of Phanyulgang like Tibetan hills; Up in the lap of Khujuk mountains Where chorten and mani18 are circumambulated 18 Bothe chorten and mani or reliquary mounds 19 An evergreen tree, which provides deep shade, found in sub-tropical
areas. It was identified as ficus
concinna. Where the blossoms are offered to gods On the slopes of the mountains of Dagala, So too, in the anterchamber of Lord Angdruk Nim Is the chief of all those companions; In the green fields of wheat _________________________________ 20 Gayshing does not flower. However there are cotton trees near the dzong which give bright red flowers. Gayshing was identified by Mrs. Rebecca Pradhan at Forest Research Institute at Taba as ficus concinna. As fodder its leaves are liked especially by elephants. Elegant gayshings which have attained hundreds of years of age are found near houses and at the sources of springs in Kashi and Nisho. 21 Mandala represents Buddhist cosmic structure. The whole universe, which the mandala signifies, is submitted as offerings during ceremonies. 22 'Kaymaar', a red band painted below the eaves of the dzong to denote that it is a religious structure. 23 Antechamber is usually known as 'at the door' since it is the room before enterng into the chamber. 24 Aum Wangmo is the mother of Chamberlain Angdruk Nima. 25 Lam Neten 27 Garp are attendants. By the time of Pemi Tshweng Tashi, I do not
think that there were significant professional differences between garp
and boet. Garp were originally recruited from the monks, and performed the
role of messengers. Boet were originally recruited from among the
villagers, and deployed to exact fines and levies and to impose
penalties. Bloom the white flowers of buckwheat Behind the high pass of Pelela With power of their own minds32, neither did appraise; The golden thread that arose from Bumthang The command of Zongpon Angdruk Nim-
"If turn by turn we should
go, 29 Tongsa dzong. 30 The mountain dividing Choskhor and Chumey valley in Bumthang. 31 Jakar dzong. 32 In the original, the literal expressions is "not observing with the power of ones' own eyes". 33 Probably, this means that they were misled by other people to induce disagreement between them. 34 A musical instrument made of bamboo. 36 The literal expression in the original is a compound phrase,
'victory-defeat' My turn it surely will not be. There is here in the fortress of Wangdi, Though it was made turn by turn Yet, the foreboding turn fell on me. The Ballad of Pemi Tshewang Tashi _________________________________ The Hero A historical novel This novella is set in the Himalayan Kingdom of Bhutan in the recent past. Nevertheless, it reflects an age and a set of manners - mostly set about the court and central administration - which is now almost completely changed. This is a book about a courtier, who represented a mode of life and living which had vanished overnight, and not about the kings he served, but the reader will find rich detail on all aspects of life in Bhutan. The plot is a
relatively simple one. An reincarnation is born in central Bhutan with
prospects of a quiet and uneventful religious life in a small but lively
rural community. By happenstance, he is allowed to serve first at the
court of second King, and later in the wider administration of the country
retirement, Bhutan is already caught up in increasingly rapid economic,
social, political, and cultural changes. For the international
audience which can also access this volume, the tale can be read on its
own merits as a biographical novel; but it can also be read as both a
record and an exploration of aspects of Bhutan's recent past, reminding us
of how novel is the material aspect of much of our development, and how
its foundations often are laid through the forethought and imagination of
outstanding leaders such as the late and revered third King of Bhutan,
Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck.
I came from a hereditary lamaist family that stood out from the community. Its status lay half way between households of the commoners and of the nobility. Such families were considered higher than households of the commoners, who had to pay taxes, but lower than aristocracies who received some of the taxes. Hereditary lamaist families are a vanishing social institution, if not already extinct. Its distinctive privileges were annulled some three decades ago. In my youth, such families could claim special dispensations. Like other such families, our family of Shingkhar Lam was exempt from a variety of taxes which were levied on ordinary households. Being a part of the network of lamaist families did not free us from other obligations and specialized responsibilities. The eight lamaist families in the province of Bumthang were obliged to perform periodic rituals in Kurje and Jakar. Almost all taxes were honoured in either services or goods, and rarely in coin-money. The type of taxes our family faced involved performance of rites in the temples of Kurje and Jakar dzong, the administrative centre which was a day's walk from our village. My father joined lamas of other families to conduct the annual Sondep Bumdi ritual in Kurje for about ten days, and read volumes of Kanjur in Jakar dzong for about seven days. Kanjur comprises a hundred or so volumes of Buddhist teachings. The ritual took place on the same dates every year. There were about forty of us representing eight lama families in Bumthang. A set of Kanjur was read for seven days, during which food was served by the administration in Jakar dzong. A week was the prescribed duration for provision of our sustenance. But it was not possible to read the complete set of Kanjur by the end of the week. The rite would end abruptly after seven days without all the volumes being read. The compulsory participation in these two annual rites was part of the taxes on cleric families. My father and I were delayed once on the way to Jakar, and were late by a day for the rite. He had to go through a disconcerting punishment for not arriving on time. My father, who was deeply venerated as an eminent lama in several districts, had to pull his clothes up to his waist and bend, and he was flogged in public three times on his bare posterior. Then, he had to lug around rather heavy stones from one spot to another for five days to no purpose. As I recall, my father performed this penal service with the same dignity as he would observe during a ritual to sanctify a place. Another onus on us as a lamaist family was that my father had to call on the monarch within three days of the latter's arrival from his winter capital. The court migrated to Kinga Rabden Palace in Trongsa in winter and back to Wangdecholing Palace, Jakar, in spring. It was customary at the time of calling for each lamaist family to pay a fixed levy of one yathra, the famed woolen textile of Bumthang, with a pitcher full of araa to greet his return from the winter palace. Yathras, a textile specialty of Bhumthang, were useful as gifts from the elites of Bhuman to the nobles of Tibet. Through a suitable means of communication, the royal family disclosed the choice of size and patterns of yathras they preferred, so that the nobles and lamas could bring more agreeable tributes. Quite often, the King inspected the quality of yathras. God once was sent as gifts to high-ranking Tibetans. The tribute of one yathra and a pitcher full of araa was reciprocated by the Kind with three balls of tea and five metres of broad cloth. This exchanges of gifts within three days of the court's arrival was bound by tradition. Another responsibility of the lamaist families was to nurse back health and strength emaciated horses belonging to the court stable. Scrawny and weak horses that required too much care for the Tapon (chief of stable) had to be revived by the lamaist and other well known families. Such horses were also assigned to the managers of royal estates in Trongsa district. I was intrigued by the convention, and wondered how horse rearing came to be associated with the expertise of lamaist families. We had to go to a great deal of trouble to rejuvenate such horses. We were very wary that they might fall victim to the wolves, tigers and leopards which haunted the ranges above the village, or be impaled by oxen and yaks with whom they could not avoid contact in the narrow confines of village streets. We fattened them by feeding a raw egg or two whenever we could spare. Buckwheat, wheat and maize filled their troughs as frequently as possible, until the chief of stable asked for them. The horses were voracious and consumed a great deal of grains, which could have been used as our own food. My parents had the honour, thought it now seems dubious, of many sickly horses for the royal stable. As the lamaist family of Shingkhar, we had a certain respectability in the community. My father, Lama Kenchog Gyeltshen, was the astro-practitioner in the village as well as the main custodian of the shrine of the community. He was consulted and had a significant role during occasions of birth, death, marriage, journey and celebration. But the prestige of the family was not backed up by any tangible wealth. The members of our family wore handed-down clothes from my grandfather, who was richer than us. Our grandfather gave a set of clothes to each of us every few years. We had to land holding of paddy fields in warmer places, which was the first conventional yardstick of the well-to-do. The size of both our herds of yaks and cattle were below fifteen head, which was the second measure of wealth in such pastoral communities. We owned yaks only after my mother was brought as a bride from Ura. My maternal grandfather gave her a small breeding stock of both yaks and cattle. But the seed stock failed obdurately to multiply and we lived within the means provided by an extremely small heard. We had a small flock of sheep, as did most of the households in our village. Our sheep were tended by another family in the village, along with their own flock. I went occasionally with my shepherd friends. They would let their flocks out late during rough weather, or when there was snow cover on the ground. In spring and autumn, they let the flocks out only after the morning sun melted away frost. Some of my most recurrent memories of childhood are associated with the days with my shepherd friends. Along with them, I remember chasing rams, as soon as we crossed the threshold of the village. I could catch only a few docile rams to ride, especially the spotted one. The spotted ram and I developed a sense of companionship. We would advance on our rams in a column after a great mass of sheep. We got off near the village, when we returned in the evening, so that our parents would not know that we had been riding them. We suffered from several injuries, getting tossed in the air, before we could master how to remain astride a running ram. It was generally agreed among knowledgeable shepherds that it was more dangerous to be thrown of by a ram than pony. The rolling slopes round the village, now thoroughly encroached by forest, provided wide foraging grounds for the sheep of our village. The flocks were usually driven in the same direction, so the shepherds could keep each other company throughout the day. We pooled our lunches, usually made up of roasted black barley, popped corns, buckwheat khurwa (a type of pancake) and keptang (wheat or buckwheat pancake). It was a great temptation to eat our lunches early and then return home with our flocks because we found ourselves hungry. While not rounding up the flocks which strayed into fields or forests, we sang songs, spotted lice on each others' scalp and clothes, held games meets among children, fought with each other, set up fights between dominant rams, told stories, hunted for moulted feathers of pheasants to flesh arrows, collected firewood, bamboo, lichen, mushrooms and flowers to take home in the evening. Sometimes, the news of the presence of major predators like leopards and grey wolves reached us from the next village or rangeland sheds where livestock had been maimed or killed. We had to be especially watchful over our flocks of sheep, cattle and horses during such times. But keeping patrol over flocks did not really help, for the predators frequently out foxed the child-shepherds. For my shepherd friends, winter and lambing seasons were the most demanding part of an otherwise fun-filled time. After the ewes lambed, the child-shepherds were forewarned about the lambs that had far less sense and did not keep up with the wandering flocks. The lambs would be left behind, beneath bushes, though the ewes would then become inconsolable and bleat all the time. Foxes were a constant threat to the lambs. The most calamitous event for one of my shepherd friends occurred one night in winter. A sheep pen made up of a stonewall enclosure stood near his house. Small gaps were kept between the roof and the wall to let in air and light, but these gaps also tempted prey. In a night raid, during which we did not feel the slightest disturbance, eighteen out of seventy-one sheep were killed, perhaps by leopards. When he went to release them in the morning, he found mangled bodies. Some were about to die, and lay with their necks stiffening with pain. My favourite spotted ram, one of the few I could catch and ride, was also a casualty. We had a darkened, crumbling, three storeyed house. I grew up in my first ten years, in its soot and smoke-filled rooms. It was very drafty and did not provide good protection against the fierce and frigid wind. The speed and the ferocity of the wind blowing against the windows and doors gave me the impression of someone invisible forcing them open. The death of person in the village intensified that impression and I would not dare to get up and go to bolt the door. During such moments, I rushed to sit by my mother's side. The ladder up to the
middle storey was perilously steep and the corridor and landings did not
get a ray of light. I was frequently gripped by fright when I had to
through the corridor and down the ladder on my own, a fear which was
reinforced by my tumbling down the ladder several times when descending
it. It is a common childhood experience among the Bhutanese that often
leaves marks in the form of scaly scars and protuberances in unlikely
places left behind by numerous falls during childhood were made worse by
the scares added during the handling of knives from a young
age.
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